포르 피리 오 디아즈 멕시코 대통령

포르 피리 오 디아즈 (1830 년 9 월 15 일, 멕시코 오악 사카, 1915 년 7 월 2 일 프랑스 파리에서 사망), 멕시코의 군인이자 대통령 (1877–80, 1884–1911). 30 년 이상 회사의 통제하에있었습니다.

인기 질문

Porfirio Díaz로 알려진 것은 무엇입니까?

Porfirio Díaz는 멕시코에서 수십 년 동안 대통령직을 맡았고 중앙 집중적 인 국가로 유명했습니다. 그의 엘리트주의와 정치 정책은 외국 투자자들과 부유 한 지주들을 선호하여 경제 위기를 낳았다. 그는 멕시코 혁명 동안 1911 년에 추방되었다.

Porfirio Díaz는 어떻게 힘을 얻었습니까?

포르 피리 오 디아즈 (Porfirio Díaz)는 Pres에 대한 반란을 일으킨 1877 년 멕시코 대통령으로 선출되었습니다. 세바스티안 레르도 데 테 자다. 한때 권력을 행사 한 그는 그룹을 분리하고 한 그룹의 관심사를 다른 그룹과 나누면서 통제력을 유지했습니다. 그의 정권의 수혜자 중에는 메스티조, 특권 크리올 학급 및 로마 가톨릭 교회가있었습니다.

포르 피리 오 디아즈는 언제 권력을 잡았습니까?

Porfirio Díaz was president of Mexico from 1877 to 1880 and from 1884 to 1911. He did not run for reelection in 1880 but did handpick his successor, Manuel González. Dissatisfied with González, Díaz ran for president again in 1884. He won and remained in power until he was forced out during the Mexican Revolution.

How was Porfirio Díaz overthrown?

Francisco Madero, who had attempted to run against Porfirio Díaz in the 1910 election, led a revolt that kindled the Mexican Revolution. In May 1911 revolutionary forces captured Ciudad Juárez and forced Díaz to capitulate and flee into exile.

A mestizo (part Indian), Díaz was of humble origin. He began training for the priesthood at age 15, but upon the outbreak of war with the United States (1846–48) he joined the army. An illustrious military career followed, including service in the War of the Reform (1857–60) and the struggle against the French in 1861–67, when Maximilian became emperor. Earlier (1849) Díaz had studied law with the encouragement of the Liberal Benito Juárez, who first became president in 1858.

Díaz resigned his command and went back to Oaxaca when peace was restored but soon became dissatisfied with the Juárez administration. He led an unsuccessful protest against the 1871 reelection of Juárez, who died the following year. Díaz continued his protests in an unsuccessful revolt against Pres. Sebastían Lerdo de Tejada in 1876, after which he fled to the United States. Six months later, however, he returned and defeated the government forces at the Battle of Tecoac (November 1876), and in May 1877 he was formally elected president.

During his first four years in office, Díaz began a slow process of consolidation of power and built up a strong political machine. His administration achieved a few public improvements but was more noted for its suppression of revolts. Having opposed Lerdo’s reelection, he decided not to run for another term himself but handpicked his successor, Gen. Manuel González, who also soon dissatisfied him. Therefore, in 1884 Díaz ran for the presidency again and was elected.

Over the course of the next 26 years Díaz produced an orderly and systematic government with a military spirit. He succeeded in destroying local and regional leadership until the majority of public employees answered directly to him. Even the legislature was composed of his friends, and the press was muffled. He also maintained tight control over the courts.

Díaz secured his power by catering to the needs of separate groups and playing off one interest against another. He won the mestizos’ support by supplying them with political jobs. The privileged Creole classes were cooperative in return for the government’s noninterference in their haciendas and for positions of honour in the administration. The Roman Catholic Church maintained a policy of noninvolvement in return for a certain degree of freedom. The Indians, who formed a full third of the population, were ignored.

When Díaz came to power, the Mexican government was in debt and had very little cash reserves. Therefore, he enthusiastically encouraged investment by foreigners. Conditions were made so advantageous to the suppliers of capital that Mexican industries and workers alike suffered. Díaz was no economist, but his two principal advisers, Matías Romero and José Y. Limantour (after 1893), were responsible for the influx of foreigners to build railroads and bridges, to dig mines, and to irrigate fields. Mexico’s new wealth, however, was not distributed throughout the country; most of the profits went abroad or stayed in the hands of a very few wealthy Mexicans. By 1910 the economy had declined and national revenues were shrinking, which necessitated borrowing. With wages decreasing, strikes were frequent. Agricultural workers were faced with extreme poverty and debt peonage.

On Feb. 17, 1908, in an interview with a reporter for Pearson’s Magazine, Díaz announced his retirement. Immediately opposition and progovernment groups began to scramble to find suitable presidential candidates. Then, as plans were being formalized, Díaz decided not to retire but to allow Francisco Madero, an aristocratic but democratically inclined reformer, to run against him. Madero lost the election, as was expected, but when he resorted to a military revolution the government proved surprisingly weak and collapsed. Díaz resigned office on May 25, 1911, and went into exile.